Amanda Anderson: From the Cogut Institute for the Humanities at Brown University, this is Meeting Street. I’m Amanda Anderson, the show’s host. The past few decades have seen a growth in research and scholarship addressing what might be called the cultural economics of the university. This work has been generative, not only in shining a light on the financial and budgetary aspects of universities, but also in clarifying the conditions under which scholars in the humanities and social sciences do their work.
One of the key contributors to this body of research is Christopher Newfield, and I’m thrilled to have him here today. Chris is currently the director of the Independent Social Research Foundation, or ISRF, located in London. The ISRF is a public benefit foundation that supports interdisciplinary research on key social problems.
Prior to joining the ISRF in 2020, Chris taught for many years at the University of California at Santa Barbara, where he specialized in American culture, critical university studies, and interdisciplinary approaches to literature, especially those that bring social scientific perspectives into dialogue with literary criticism and literary theory.
He’s written a trilogy of books on the university, the third and most recent being The Great Mistake: How We Wrecked Public Universities and How We Can Fix Them [Johns Hopkins University Press, 2016]. He’s also the co-host of a blog called Remaking the University.
One thing that makes Chris’s work so important and compelling is his ability to combine economic analysis with a keen attention to and advocacy for the forms of knowledge that the humanities bring to our understanding of social and cultural concerns, including the current challenges facing the university.
At present, he’s just beginning his term as the president of the Modern Language Association, the professional organization for scholars of languages and literatures, which has over 23,000 members worldwide. His election to this office is testimony not only to his contributions to the profession, but also to his capacity to generate important conversations on the conditions of academic life. Chris, I’m really looking forward to the chance to discuss your work. Welcome to Meeting Street.
Christopher Newfield: Thanks, Amanda. I’m really glad to be here.
Amanda Anderson: You are a humanities scholar with a Ph.D. in English, whose dissertation and first book was on the American 19th-century writer Ralph Waldo Emerson. Since publishing your first book, you’ve become one of the most informed specialists on the economic and cultural condition of the modern university. How did that happen? What was the path that led you to concentrate your research and writing on the university itself? And how, if at all, has your earliest work informed what has become your major research interest?
Christopher Newfield: Well, actually there are a lot of things I was very critical about with Emerson, but he clearly influenced me with his sense that — what he called in one essay, the “American scholar” — that all of us are supposed to take our general learning and use it to comment on and change public life. It’s a humanities mode of commentary, it’s introspective, it’s observational, and then that endows us with the right and the obligation to say things about the world. I think, without my actually realizing it, he was doing that to me.
There are a couple of other things though. One is that I was trained in pre-Civil War U.S., as you mentioned, and it struck me as a profoundly authoritarian theocratic society at its roots that got kind of liberalized in Emerson’s period — you know, the age of transcendentalism, etc. — but which really still had, and still has, that base.
So I was skeptical of the common understanding of the U.S. as inherently democratic. It seemed pretty deeply not democratic to me, and I was kind of interested in doing American studies as a way of looking at non-democracy in the United States and the way that it’s played out in areas like slavery and the difficulty we had in overcoming it, but also in others, including sort of organizational life.
And the other thing that was relevant with Emerson is that I attributed a term to him that I called “submissive individualism” as a formation for sort of middle class folks who are very competitive and able to engage in competition, but are nonetheless really comfortable with hierarchical authority and with submitting to it. That’s maybe quite relevant to academic life and to academics — you know, the way that we operate in our institutions as both incredibly rivalrous and also deferential and not really that great at solidarity-based organization.
And the last thing that really just pushed this over into institutional studies — but this didn’t happen really until the second decade that I was at Santa Barbara full time — was going from private to public universities and realizing — you know, just experiencing really on the front lines — the fact that society was attacking these institutions first through culture wars and then budget wars, and that it had to be defended and understood.
Amanda Anderson: You affiliate yourself with something called critical university studies, which is an interdisciplinary enterprise that brings together economics, policy studies, cultural analysis, and psychology. How should we understand that enterprise, and what role do humanities methods or forms of knowledge bring to it?
Christopher Newfield: Well, just speaking mostly for my own version of it, it focuses on the institutional conditions of knowledge production in the same way that critical legal studies and also critical race theory is looking at the way the law structures consciousness. Critical university studies is doing the same thing for the way that finance and resource dependency and political rivalries within Weberian bureaucracies structure relations of power and domination and deprivation.
I mean, I’m sort of a cultural studies person, and it seemed like critical university studies is a branch of that in that it integrates different disciplines in order to try to get a holistic picture of what is happening, both to people in organizations — you know, in the organizational forces — and then also what is happening to them affectively and psychologically.
And I guess the latter is really the key contribution of the humanities, you know, recognizing the way that affective structures in the circulation of forms of consciousness are also as important as just the money side and the formal bureaucratic side in determining outcomes.
I guess the other thing I would say about this is: it’s a scholar-activist project for me because the idea of developing this knowledge is to put it into the hands of people in these institutions so that they can both understand them better and also change the institutions so that they’re sort of less punitive and less destructive to those folks.
It’s very much a two-way street, so I’ve learned a lot from the activism both within and outside the institution in my research, particularly around strike debt and student debt and so on.
Amanda Anderson: Right. You’ve partly answered a question that I wanted to ask as a follow-up, but insofar as critical university studies is a critical project, how would you describe the values or the ideals that underlie the critical part of critical university studies? And I realize obviously different people bring different perspectives to bear on this project, but I’d be curious to hear how you would describe the — I guess I would say the positive values or ideals that underlie the project.
Christopher Newfield: Well, for me, it’s democratic. It’s egalitarian. It’s decolonial in the sense that it’s not rooted in sort of constitutive racist control structures.
It’s egalitarian among disciplines. There is also a branch of me that really still believes in sort of the [19th-century clergyman and Oxford academic John Henry] Newman understanding of the university as “all the knowledges,” and the thing that’s been lost in our era with that is the [idea of] “all the knowledges” as some kind of equal interactivity and mutual respect. I mean, that’s really been damaged, if not destroyed, first by the way that the Cold War preferred military-oriented applications and the way the post-Cold War has preferred commercial applications in the fields that are able to contribute to those over the ones that focus on non-monetary developments the way that the humanities does.
It’s racially egalitarian. It’s economically inclusive. And I guess really the most important thing, given that it’s a university that we’re talking about, is it’s about the equal intellectual development of everybody that goes through it. By “it,” I mean the system as a whole, so that folks that are going to open-access institutions near their places of work and their homes are getting functionally equivalent forms of learning and transformatively similar access to new forms of knowledge and new capabilities as folks that are going to elite private and public universities.
It’s a positive goal of critical university studies for me, and also of the research that I’ve been doing, to really try to equal it out, you know, to make folks, policy people — because I think regular people understand this — [make] policy people understand you can’t have a higher education system that is as stratified as ours is and as differentiating as ours is in terms of the working conditions of the people in it and the intensity of the teaching that is being delivered and still consider it to be a democratic institution. Now, it’s an anti-democratic one when it’s this hierarchical.